Showing posts with label Activism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Activism. Show all posts

Friday, 26 June 2026

The Game That Still Belongs to People

The Game That Still Belongs to the People

I have never been a football fan. The tactical tension, the sudden heartbreak of a missed penalty, and the tribal joy of a winning goal have never moved me. Yet, it is impossible to ignore the sheer gravity of the game. Football shapes our towns, fills our pubs, dictates the rhythm of our weekends, and occupies an undeniable space in working-class culture. You do not have to love the sport to see the massive scale of the space it occupies. I find myself constantly circling back to it, not for the 90 minutes on the pitch, but for what it reveals about community, belonging, and the collective things people absolutely refuse to let go of.
On any given Saturday afternoon, you can watch entire communities come alive. People who have had public services stripped away and local hubs closed still find a reason to show up and stand together, claiming a piece of shared identity that has not yet been priced out or shut down.
This solidarity goes far beyond elite stadiums. It lives on school fields, in local parks, and on those hard, fenced-in five-a-side pitches with metal railings where people play under floodlights until dark. Millions participate every week, not for money or fame, but because it remains one of the simplest ways to feel part of something larger than oneself.

A History of Connection

This deep sense of connection is nothing new. During the First World War, the bonds built on the pitch ran so deep that entire squads enlisted side by side. Heart of Midlothian’s first team famously joined the 16th Royal Scots, Clapton Orient sent more than forty players and staff to the front, and the Footballers’ Battalion brought together professionals, amateurs, and fans alike. They did not go for simple slogans; they went because the community built through the sport forged ties that held firm in the worst conditions imaginable.
On a local level today, football still provides essential mental and physical breathing space, giving teenagers a place to channel energy and giving adults a vital reason to get out of the house and clear their heads.

The Modern Corporate Shift

However, the top tier of the modern game feels like a completely different universe. Elite football has mutated into a commercialised playground for billionaire owners, private equity firms, and television deals worth more than entire local council budgets. The business side has sprinted so far ahead of ordinary life that it barely resembles the game played in parks.
Clubs are increasingly treated as assets on a corporate balance sheet or global branding vehicles designed to squeeze every possible penny. Decisions are made in distant boardrooms by executives who will never queue at a turnstile or freeze on an open terrace, ensuring the modern game serves corporate wealth long before it serves the fans who built it.

Supporters Treated as Customers

This shift has fundamentally altered what it means to be a supporter. Instead of being valued as the heartbeat of a community, fans are treated purely as monetised customers. Everything carries a steep price tag, from replica shirts and streaming packages to matchday tickets.
This commercial friction became incredibly visible recently during widespread fan protests across the Premier League, where supporters group rallied against skyrocketing ticket prices and the erosion of traditional pensioner and youth concessions.
When loyalty and history are reduced to revenue streams, it becomes clear that ordinary people are doing the heavy lifting while the financial benefits flow strictly upwards. Yet, despite this corporate drift, people still show up and play because the underlying sense of belonging is one of the few things society has not managed to strip away.


Monday, 15 June 2026

Court Upholds Palestine Action Ban

The Court Has Spoken — And It Chose Repression

SHORT SUMMARY FOR SKIM‑READERS

The Court of Appeal has upheld the government’s ban on Palestine Action, keeping the proscription fully in force and deepening the criminalisation of solidarity. The ruling comes days after the Filton 4 were sentenced as terrorists for direct action against Elbit, exposing a coordinated state crackdown on anti‑genocide activism. Emma Kamio and Huda Ammori’s testimonies reveal the human and political cost behind the legal façade. With four more cases approaching sentencing, today’s decision will shape everything that follows. The machinery is exposed — and once exposed, it cannot be unseen.

The Court of Appeal has overturned the High Court and ruled that the government can lawfully proscribe Palestine Action as a terrorist organisation.
The decision keeps the ban fully in force — meaning the criminalisation of support, membership, and association continues without interruption.
It lands just days after the Filton 4 were sentenced as terrorists for direct action against Elbit, tightening the political logic that now binds their case to the proscription.
And it comes as four more Palestine Action cases move toward sentencing, each now shaped by the legal and political weight of today’s ruling.


In our view, today’s ruling is proof of state repression, not proof of wrongdoing.
The Court of Appeal has chosen to uphold a ban that criminalises solidarity rather than confront the UK’s role in arming and enabling Israel’s violence. Nothing in this judgment resolves the underlying political reality: that the state is escalating against those who expose its complicity, from the Filton 4 to the thousands arrested for nothing more than showing support. And with four more Palestine Action cases still moving through the courts, the consequences of this ruling will only deepen.


The Court of Appeal Delivered A Ruling That Will Define The Political Landscape

This morning, the Court of Appeal delivered a ruling that will define the political landscape for months: whether the government can ban Palestine Action as a terrorist organisation.
In February, the High Court said the proscription was unlawful — a rare moment of judicial restraint — but the government appealed instantly, determined to keep the ban alive.
Since then, more than 3,000 people have been arrested, many for nothing more than holding signs saying they support Palestine Action.
Everyone knows how absurd that is. Everyone can see what it represents.
Today, five judges decided whether the state’s attempt to criminalise solidarity stands or collapses — and with a panel this large, the stakes could not have been higher.
A livestream outside the Royal Courts of Justice began at 10:45am, capturing the moment the country learned which way the scales would tip.


Emma Kamio: The Human Cost No Court Can Hide

On Sunday’s Crispin Flintoff Show, Emma Kamio spoke with a grief that didn’t need volume.
The show is an independent, left‑leaning, socialist weekly Zoom broadcast that’s grown into a vital space for voices shut out of mainstream media — and we should thank Crispin for building it.

The grief of a mother who watched her daughter be sentenced as a terrorist for trying to save lives.
She’d seen the outpouring of public shock — and she understood it.
People are more visibly shaken now than ever before.
And she asked the question everyone is asking:
“How did we get here?”

Her answer was blunt:
because they complied with a gagging order.
Because for two years, the truth was kept from the public.
Because the family was forced into silence.
“I was forced to stay silent for Ellie — that’s the bottom line.”

Emma said she warned people two years ago:
“We were being frog‑marched into a dictatorship.
We had fallen asleep at the wheel.”

She said the outcry we’re seeing now is exactly what would have happened then — if people had known what the family was up against.

And she said we must learn from this:
stop being compliant
stop accepting gagging orders
stop letting the state control the narrative


The Sentencing Was Engineered — And Everyone Felt It

Emma said it made perfect sense that the court pushed the sentencing through on Friday — unprecedented, running until 7pm.
Because Monday was coming.
Because the ruling was coming.
Because the state wanted the deterrent effect in place before the Court of Appeal spoke.

She said:
“The statistic judge prepared his statements and sentences well in advance.”
This wasn’t justice.
It was choreography.


A Moment That Will Stay With Her Forever

Then Emma said something that will stay with anyone who heard it.
“I’m going to get emotional now — it will remain with me for the end of my days.”

As Ellie was being taken down, she turned back and looked up at the public gallery.
Emma remembered the line she quoted — from Palestinian poet Marwan Makhoul:
“In order for the birds to sing, the drones must be silenced.”

A mother watching her daughter disappear into a cell, quoting a poet whose people live under drones.
One of the most human moments of the entire show.


She Knows What’s Coming Next

Emma didn’t sugar‑coat anything.
She said the other trials in the pipeline will be worse.
She said the state is escalating.
She said the families know what they’re walking into.

But she also said something else — something that matters:
People are awake now.
People are paying attention.
People are no longer silent.
And that changes everything.


Huda Ammori: The Political Clarity of the Moment

On Sunday’s Crispin Flintoff Show, Huda Ammori didn’t speak like someone speculating.
She spoke like someone who has seen the inside of the state machine — and is now naming it out loud.

She said Judge Johnson didn’t need aggravated burglary convictions.
He only needed criminal damage — enough to attach the terrorism connection.
That was the aim from the beginning.

And crucially, she said:
“They’ve been accused of being terrorists, but not allowed to defend themselves against the accusation.”

The jury never heard:
about Elbit’s weapons
about the genocide
about the lives at stake
The terrorism element was kept away from them.

Huda said the consequences were draconian — and the defendants were denied the right to explain why they acted.
But now, she said, the real fight begins:
“I am sure one way or the other we are going to defeat this.”


The State–Elbit–Government Coordination Is Now Exposed

Huda said the proscription case revealed what many suspected:
meetings between Elbit Systems, the Israeli government, UK ministers, the CPS, and police
discussions about “what to do about the Palestine Action problem”
a meeting two months before the action where prosecutors and police discussed proscribing Palestine Action as a terrorist organisation

At that point, no one had been arrested under terrorism laws for direct action.
So they used property damage as the hook.

And Huda was clear:
“From the very beginning this had been orchestrated in order to ban Palestine Action.”
She said openly that the judge was doing the state’s bidding — and Israel’s.


What Today’s Ruling Makes Unmistakable

What today’s ruling makes undeniable is this: the state is no longer pretending.
It is criminalising solidarity in broad daylight, sentencing young people as terrorists for trying to save lives, and bending the law to protect a weapons manufacturer whose products are used to kill civilians.
The machinery is exposed now — the coordination, the timing, the choreography, the political intent.
And once exposed, it cannot be unseen.

Because when the powerful choose repression over accountability, resistance stops being a crime and becomes a responsibility.

When people pushed back against injustice, like the Filton 4 did, the response wasn’t to listen — it was to criminalise them.

“How the Filton 4 Were Sentenced as Terrorists for a Political Protest in the UK”

Wednesday, 10 June 2026

UK Court to Rule on Government Appeal Over Palestine Action Proscription

 

Royal Courts of Justice to Deliver Verdict on Government’s Appeal Against Palestine Action Deproscription


On Monday, the Royal Courts of Justice will issue a crucial ruling on the government’s appeal against the proscription of Palestine Action — a decision with major implications for protest rights, direct action, and the UK’s expanding definition of “extremism.”


What Is the Government Appealing?

The Home Office originally proscribed Palestine Action, branding it an extremist organisation.
A tribunal later overturned the proscription, ruling it unlawful.
The government immediately appealed.

Monday’s verdict will determine whether ministers can reinstate the ban — or whether the courts will uphold the earlier ruling.

This is not a technical dispute. It is a test of how far the state can go in criminalising political movements that challenge UK complicity in Israel’s military actions in Gaza.


Civilian Deaths in Gaza: The Context Behind the Crackdown

The most up‑to‑date figures show that tens of thousands of Palestinians — including huge numbers of men, women, and children — have been killed in Gaza, with the majority being civilians.

Breakdown (as of 9 June 2026)

  • 20,179 children killed

  • 12,500 women killed

  • Men: not separately listed, but inferred as the remainder

These numbers form the backdrop to Palestine Action’s campaign — and to the government’s attempt to silence it.


Why the Verdict Matters for Protest Rights

The government’s attempt to re‑proscribe Palestine Action fits into a wider pattern:

  • Expanding the definition of extremism

  • Targeting direct action groups

  • Using counter‑terror frameworks to police dissent

  • Restricting protest through new public order powers

If the appeal succeeds, it could set a precedent allowing ministers to outlaw any movement that is effective, disruptive, or politically inconvenient.

If it fails, it will be a rare check on a government increasingly hostile to protest.


Historical Parallels: When the UK Tried to Criminalise Dissent

The attempt to re‑proscribe Palestine Action is not unprecedented. Throughout modern British history, governments have used policing, surveillance, and emergency powers to suppress movements that later proved morally justified.


Anti‑Apartheid Movement

The UK government surveilled and harassed anti‑apartheid activists, branding them subversive and disruptive. Today, those same activists are celebrated for standing against racial oppression.


Trade Union Struggles

From the 1926 General Strike to the miners’ strike of 1984–85, the UK state has repeatedly used emergency powers, mass arrests, and anti‑union legislation to crush movements that threatened political and economic interests.

The 1984–85 miners’ strike saw some of the most aggressive policing in modern British history. Thousands of miners were arrested, many were blacklisted, and entire communities were subjected to surveillance and intimidation.

The same era saw the Wapping dispute (1986–87), when Rupert Murdoch’s News International moved production to Wapping and sacked over 5,000 print workers. The government deployed military policing, mass arrests, and new legal restrictions to break the strike. Dozens of print workers were imprisoned.

These struggles reveal a consistent pattern:
When working‑class movements become powerful, the state responds with criminalisation, surveillance, and force.

The same logic is now being applied to Palestine Action — and potentially to any movement that uses disruption to challenge entrenched power.


Suffragettes

The suffragettes were imprisoned, force‑fed, and labelled extremists. Their direct action — now widely praised — was treated as a threat to national security.


Irish Civil Rights Movement

Peaceful civil rights activists in Northern Ireland faced police brutality, surveillance, and emergency powers, all justified under the language of security.


Environmental and Anti‑War Movements

From CND to anti‑roads campaigns to Stop the War, governments have repeatedly tried to delegitimise activists as extremists when their demands challenged state policy.

The pattern is unmistakable: when movements become effective, the state reaches for counter‑terror tools.


Recent Cases Show the Pattern: The Filton Four and the Erosion of Civil Liberties

The government’s attempt to re‑proscribe Palestine Action does not exist in isolation. As I’ve documented this week in two separate reports, the UK is entering a dangerous phase where dissent is increasingly treated as a criminal threat rather than a democratic right.

In The Filton Four: Sentenced for Dissent, I highlighted how four activists were handed severe sentences for actions aimed at exposing the UK’s role in arming Israel. Their prosecution shows how the state is now using the criminal courts not just to punish protests, but to deter political resistance altogether.

In Our Civil Liberties Under Attack, I examined the broader pattern:

  • expanding police powers

  • erosion of jury independence

  • counter‑terror frameworks used against activists

  • normalisation of pre‑emptive arrests

These cases are not anomalies. They are symptoms of a political strategy: redefine dissent as extremism, redefine activism as criminality, and redefine solidarity as a threat to national security.

Together, they show that the Palestine Action appeal is not just about one organisation — it is part of a systematic tightening of state power against protest across the UK.


A Line That Must Not Be Crossed

If ministers can outlaw a protest movement simply because it is effective, then no civil liberty in Britain is safe — not the right to dissent, not the right to organise, and not the right to challenge state power.


The Royal Courts of Justice as a Political Battleground

The Royal Courts of Justice have become a central arena in the struggle over protest rights. Recent rulings have:

  • Upheld sweeping police powers

  • Limited the ability of juries to hear moral arguments

  • Enabled pre‑emptive arrests of activists

But courts have also pushed back when ministers overreach.

Monday’s decision will reveal whether the judiciary is willing to draw a line — or whether it will endorse the government’s strategy of treating political activism as a security threat.


What’s Really at Stake

Although Palestine Action is the organisation named in the appeal, the broader question is:

Can the UK government outlaw a political movement because it is effective?

This verdict will shape the landscape for:

  • Climate activists

  • Anti‑racist organisers

  • Housing campaigners

  • Trade unionists

  • Anyone using disruption to force political change

The outcome will influence how future governments treat dissent — and how safe it is to challenge state policy.


What Happens Next

Whatever the verdict, the political consequences will be immediate.

  • If the government wins, expect renewed pressure on other movements.

  • If it loses, expect ministers to push for new legislation.

Either way, Monday marks a turning point in the fight over the right to protest, the limits of state power, and the future of civil liberties in the UK.


Monday, 8 June 2026

Our Civil Liberties Under Attack


When Protest Becomes Prison: How Courts, Injunctions and New Laws Put 286 Activists Behind Bars Since 2019

What this dataset ultimately exposes is not just a shift in protest policing, but a deeper erosion of civil liberties. When remand becomes routine, when injunctions bypass open justice, and when new offences expand the boundaries of criminalisation, the right to dissent becomes narrower, more conditional, and easier to suppress. Civil‑liberties groups warn that once these powers are normalised, they rarely retreat; they become part of the everyday architecture of state response to public dissent.





A major new dataset co‑published by Queen Mary University of London and Defend Our Juries documents 286 cases of people gaoled for climate or Palestine‑solidarity protest since 2019, totalling 136 years of custodial time and an average detention of 28 weeks in the 256 cases with full data. Researchers say the courts’ growing use of remand, contempt of court and civil injunctions, alongside new protest offences in the Public Order Act 2023, are reshaping how non‑violent dissent is punished in Britain.

Why this matters

These figures mark a shift from short, symbolic penalties for civil disobedience toward prolonged pre‑trial custody and longer sentences. The report finds one in three gaoled for six months or more and one in five for over a year; in 60% of cases the final sentence was more lenient than time already spent on remand, suggesting remand is functioning as punishment before conviction.

The legal mechanisms driving imprisonment

Remand detention. Courts have remanded many protest defendants for months; long pre‑trial custody can exceed statutory expectations and effectively become the principal punishment. The report highlights particularly long remands for Palestine‑solidarity defendants.

Civil injunctions and contempt. Corporations and public bodies increasingly obtain injunctions against “persons unknown” or named activists; breaches are enforced by contempt proceedings that can carry immediate committal to prison. The QMUL dataset records contempt as the most common route to imprisonment.

New criminal offences (Public Order Act 2023). The Act creates offences such as “locking‑on”, tunnelling and interference with key national infrastructure, and expands police powers — all of which raise the risk of criminalisation for tactics long used in direct action. Legal charities warn these changes broaden the scope for prosecution.

Conspiracy and public nuisance charges. Prosecutors have used conspiracy and public nuisance to pursue organisers and planners; these charges carry higher maximum sentences and can be applied even where direct physical harm is absent
Human impact (illustrative snapshots)

Christmas 2024 snapshot: A record 40 activists — aged 22–58 — were in prison over Christmas for climate or Gaza‑related actions, underscoring how many protestors can be detained simultaneously.

Remand hunger strikes and health concerns: Extended remands in high‑profile Palestine‑related cases prompted hunger strikes and UN concern about detention conditions.

⚖️ Civil liberties under strain — and why women are so often the ones holding the line

The pattern emerging from the dataset is not only about protest — it is about civil liberties. Long remands, sweeping injunctions and new offences expand the state’s ability to restrict movement, association and expression. Legal observers warn that these tools, once normalised, rarely remain confined to one political moment. They become part of the everyday machinery of public‑order policing. That is why civil‑liberties groups argue the current trajectory should concern anyone who values the right to dissent, regardless of their stance on climate or Palestine‑solidarity campaigns.

A striking feature of this period is the visibility of women supporting those in prison — partners, mothers, sisters, friends, and fellow activists who keep cases in the public eye. Researchers and advocacy groups note several reasons for this:

  • Care labour — Women disproportionately shoulder the emotional, logistical and community work around imprisoned activists: organising visits, fundraising, coordinating legal updates, and sustaining morale.

  • Movement continuity — Women often act as the connective tissue of campaigns, ensuring that imprisonment does not sever people from their communities or silence their causes.

  • Moral framing — Public support from women frequently reframes these cases not as security issues but as human storeys about fairness, proportionality and the right to speak out.

  • Historical pattern — From Greenham Common to anti‑apartheid campaigns, women have long played central roles in defending civil liberties when the state expands punitive powers.

Their presence underscores a simple truth: when civil liberties contract, it is often women who step forward to defend the people caught in the system.

A new report analysing the imprisonment of protestors in Britain